Week 13 reflection- Media Platforms and Revolt

Below is a link to a Rap News episode on Australia Day. I think the video shows, in artistic poignancy how engaging media platforms are able to be used by anybody to communicate issues, in this case issues stemming from colonialisation and continuing on through globalization and immigration.

The video discusses the 'grand theft auto of Australia' and what it meant for the Traditional Owners and how this recurrent issue plays into an even more culturally diverse and globalized Australia. Please be warned the language is a little obscene at one point.

Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GRhBRg-XkWY

Week 13 theoretical- Asylum seekers and the increase of religious discussion

This week's article discussed in part, the increased public discussion of religion due to immigration (Herbert 2012). I will apply this discussion to Australian asylum seeker discourse.

An example of the increased reporting on religion due to Muslim asylum seekers is the discussion about Islam, or rather the fear of Islam in Australian mainstream civic milieu. Muslim refugees who seek asylum in Australia are greeted with fear from Australians, as their ethnic minority group features religion 'playing a more prominent role' then in our 'secularized majority population' (Herbert 2012, p. 96).

This rhetoric in not only refugee but immigration milieus has caused a 'sense of being part of suffering' within Muslim communities (Herbert 2012, p. 95). Whatever the causation and responses of the increase scope of religious coverage in media, the causation can be inextricably linked to globalization and the modern phenomena of predominantly intra-state conflicts. These types of conflicts have resulted in an increase in forced relocation and refugees.

This increase of displaced persons whom are forced to relocate results in the blending, combining or clashing of distinctly differing cultures, some secular some state-religious. All of these factors contribute to the increased visibility of polemic religious discussion via media platforms.

Reference
Herbert D. 2012. Why has Religion Gone Public Again? Towards a Theory of Media and Religious Re-Publicization. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. pp. 88-97. London and New York: Routledge.

Photo
http://www.sxc.hu/browse.phtml?f=download&id=581056

Week 12 theoretical- Hybrid Thai Identities

This weeks reading discussed the idea of plural cultural identities in the mirror of post-colonialism, capitalism and globalization. I plan to discuss the articles framework with my personal experiences in rural Thailand.

Globalization has opened 'up new possibilities and positions of identification' through the diffusion of culture (Gillespie 2012, p. 99).  For instance in my experiences in rural Thailand, many shopkeepers and merchants fully embrace their Theravada Buddhist beliefs, while still employing capitalist ways of life and attitudes. Many local Thai's would engage in Takbha, worship and meditation engaging in discourses that emphasize the flippancy of material goods, while still bolstering their respective business'.

This is an example of how the people 'learn to inhabit at least two identities, to speak two cultural languages, to translate and negotiate between them' (Gillespie 2012, p. 99).

Reference
Gillespie M. 2012. The Role of Meia in religious Transnationalism. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. pp 98-110. London and New York: Routledge.

Week 11 theoretical- Indigenous Australian Spirituality

Indigenous Australians suffered a lot socially, environmentally but also spiritually, however nothing was 'more devastating than the pervasive doctrine of Aboriginal worthlessness' (Stanner 2009, p. 84). Although Indigenous Australians were regarded as sub-human and heathens, upon study of their spirituality it was found that their faith was something 'inseparable from the pattern of everyday life and thought. The connection was so intimate that there is no sharp demarcation between secular and sacred life' (Stanner 2009, p. 84).

For instance, it is common in Indigenous Australian milieus to discover that great guardian spirits exist to look after the living peoples (Stanner 2009). However not all spirits were thought of as ancestors or as human-like, some where thought to be quasi-animalistic, ethereal, formless or indescribable in form.

Even though Indigenous Australian spirituality is often referred to as one of the least materially minded faiths, the ordering of the cosmos through nature and spirituality helped construct the socialization of the 'body, mentality and social personality' though stages of life (Stanner 2009, p. 88).


Reference
Stanner, W. E. H. 2009. 'Religion, Totenism and Symbolism'. In A Reader in the Anthropology of Religion. Ed., Michael Lambeck. Blackwell Publishing: Oxford and Victoria.

Photo
http://www.sxc.hu/photo/1155413

Week 12 reflection- Witch-House Music

The somewhat contested underground sub-genre of music, witch-house, is an interesting phenomenon. It has been described as any of the following: occult-based house music, sluggish tunes with stop-timed beats, shoegrazing, noise and drone, dark melodic or dark music-cult. The music itself is usually dark and slow, but the severity of the darkness of the music wavers. Another common feature in this genre is audio loops of people talking or quietly wailing about politics, spirituality or other unintelligible emissions. 


Another unique feature of the genre is that most of the artists names are typographic and include symbols like crosses, triangles and other elements of unicode. For example: ~▲†▲~ , ∆N∆ZT∆Z†∆, DE▲th▲Co▲ST, K▼L▲M†††B▲R▲NG or WIZ∆RDS. Part of the reason for this is aesthetic solidarity but also partly to make it harder to find on the internet or to download and to keep it underground. 


Common features in the album artwork or the names of the artists are supernatural in content. Lots of crosses, ethereal figures and mystical images. In fact the very name witch-house is explanatory enough. I thought this an interesting example of young people still engaging in spirituality through music, albeit the darker side of spirituality. Below I have posted a video clip for the witch-house artist LAKE R▲DIO who also goes by the alias Ritualzz. The clip features audio loops of the following lyrics:


Ghetto Ass Witch, I'm writing rhymes on Ouija boards,Ghetto Ass Witch, Satanic swag and wicked ho*s, Ghetto Ass Witch, I'm ghost-riding blasting drone, Ghetto Ass Witch, Big magic hustling demon dope

Video

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s7A_s6jtS7Y&feature=related

Photo

http://www.sxc.hu/browse.phtml?f=download&id=1087848

Week 11 reflection- Negative Portrayals of Traditional Owners

Traditional Owners do get mentioned in the media negatively, or from within a paternalistic white privilge rhetoric. The media tends to negatively report only on issues of alcaholism, domestic and sexual violence or poverty. The issues being faced by the Indigenous Australian community is important to be voiced, however the paternalistic way in which these reports are made and discussed echoes  feelings of 'white mummy and daddy talking about their black children', so to speak.

Although it is important to report on and address the issues and possible strategies for Indigenous Australians, it should not be wholly done within the white frameworks, without Indigenous prescence. The media tends to take the attitude of reporting on the issues faced by the 'mischevious black children' and the prices that 'white mummy and daddy' will have to pay for the acts. The fallacy in this discourse is that the issues Traditional Owners face are all a direct result of colonisation, genocide, ethnocentricsm and racism caused by our caucasian ancestors.

The cultural memory of white supremacy and Indigenous Australians and other non-caucasians as threatening or below us still continues. These historical prejudices or cultural memories are now more passively implemented though, through media portrayal, governmental attitudes and filter down through the ranks to the civilian. It is no coincidence that some of the less desirable members of our society use offensive slang terms to refer to the Traditional Owners. Below I have posted a video from Australia Day 2012 Aboriginal tent Embassy, where some Traditional Owners were peacefully protesting and the police officer exhibits quite egregious aggression.

Photo
http://www.sxc.hu/photo/1000979

Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OcM_eYfWPhE

Week 10 theoretical- Sport as a Religion and Cultural System

Sport can be examined as a cultural system, that is religious or spiritual. Geertz argues that sacred symbols 'function to synthesize a people's ethos - the tone, character, and quality of their life, it's moral and aesthetic style and mood' (Geertz 2008, p. 58). Sport does fit this theoretical model as a competitive, engaged and athletic religious mood. In addition, the character and aesthetic style of sport is continuously reinvented through advertising on television and in newspapers.

Geertz continues to describe religion as:

'(1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these conceptions with an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic' (Geertz 2008, p.59).

To analyze sport as a religion by Geertz's first point, is simple. Sport has the symbols of team jerseys, logos and the sporting equipment itself. These symbols are tools for engaging in the religion, but when portrayed in still form, also evoke an emotional response in the sports fan, as he or she might reminisce or be eagerly reminded of a match.

Secondly, the symbols do 'establish powerful and long-lasting moods' in the fan (Geertz 2008, p. 59). For instance the sports fan will feel a rush of ecstasy when his/her team wins or loses a match and will often create discussion for weeks to come, if not longer.

Thirdly, sport does formulate concept for existence in our society. A widely accepted 'mens' or 'boys' past time is sport, generally speaking, it is right and perhaps necessary for a male to be interested in sport. The fourth point continues on to say that this assumption should be clothed in actuality. In our society it is accepted that men, but mainly men are the fervent sports fans. However, this assumption leaves out the plethora of avid female fan, even though the assumption is widely referred to through male and female vernacular.

Fifthly, Geertz discussed that the motivations and aura seem realistic about the spiritual experience. Sport conforms to this theory once again as the moods and motivations are for the favourite team to win, which seems a realistic goal. On a deeper analysis though, the moods and motivation seem quite unrealistic: for men to separate themselves from each other, don different coloured clothes and engage in athletic games to see who wins, only to try to prove their athletic superiority over and over again. Sport relies heavily on a constant state of transformation, path to success. It needs the constant striving to survive, like other religions who market a better version of self

Reference
Geertz C, 2008 Religion as a Cultural System In. A Reader in the ANthropology of Religion Ed., Lambeck M., pp. 57-75. Blackwell Publishing: Malden, Oxford and Victoria

Photo
http://www.sxc.hu/browse.phtml?f=download&id=1295183

Week 10 reflective- A Competitive Ritual

Sunday ante meridiem is reached and recurrently I arrange myself

For aesthetic respect and sincere disposition, I don my neatest attire

The loose red garb swaddles my frame, advertising my faith

I walk into the church, already crowded with fellow believers

The church echoes with the history of thousands of ecstatic cries

A thousand more will be made this day

In the heart of the church, in the altar, our faith symbol hangs in majesty

As the atmosphere reaches a rising crescendo amidst the growing crowd

My fellow clergymen and I prepare to take to the altar

We enter the holy altar, separated from the mundanity of the onlooking laymen

Cries and shouts of ecstasy ensue

The small winged beings in my tum flit about on my favourite day

This holy day

The day of my faith, of my religion

Arsenal! Football!

Accompanied with winged beings in my tum I run through our symbol, our red Arsenal flag

Football! Arsenal!

Singing loudly towards the altar, the believers raised their hands in ecstasy!


Photo
http://www.sxc.hu/browse.phtml?f=download&id=1233593

Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3On_ZeN4gPw&feature=related