This week's article discussed in part, the increased public discussion of religion due to immigration (Herbert 2012). I will apply this discussion to Australian asylum seeker discourse.
An example of the increased reporting on religion due to Muslim asylum seekers is the discussion about Islam, or rather the fear of Islam in Australian mainstream civic milieu. Muslim refugees who seek asylum in Australia are greeted with fear from Australians, as their ethnic minority group features religion 'playing a more prominent role' then in our 'secularized majority population' (Herbert 2012, p. 96).
This rhetoric in not only refugee but immigration milieus has caused a 'sense of being part of suffering' within Muslim communities (Herbert 2012, p. 95). Whatever the causation and responses of the increase scope of religious coverage in media, the causation can be inextricably linked to globalization and the modern phenomena of predominantly intra-state conflicts. These types of conflicts have resulted in an increase in forced relocation and refugees.
This increase of displaced persons whom are forced to relocate results in the blending, combining or clashing of distinctly differing cultures, some secular some state-religious. All of these factors contribute to the increased visibility of polemic religious discussion via media platforms.
Reference
Herbert D. 2012. Why has Religion Gone Public Again? Towards a Theory of Media and Religious Re-Publicization. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. pp. 88-97. London and New York: Routledge.
There is much contention around 9/11 discourse and the representations of Muslim, but the representation of Westerners should also be noted. The media, as our keystone of information in instantaneous events, is dualistic, that is, it represents and shapes attitudes not singularly, but of both concerned groups (Middle East/West). Even moderate Westerners who acknowledge acts like 9/11 are not a truthful or blanket representation of Muslims, hesitate to think of media representation of Westerners in the Middle East that may lead to incorrect 'knowledge of "them" and "their" knowledge of us' (Hoover 2012, p. 75).
Another factor that needs to be considered is media as a religion, as a 'public ritual of commemoration and mourning' (Hoover 2012, p. 76). The 9/11 media frenzy is an example of that, as the images of the towers it etched in the minds of those exposed to technology. This public and instantaneous public mourning and imagery did create a feeling of community and it could be argued it further insulated the "us" group from the "them" group, through the very process of mourning. Through loss and sorrow, ratified and legitimized previous misconceptions were re-embraced. In fact, information and education about 'others can lead as readily to mistrust and misunderstanding as to trust and understanding' (Hoover 2012, p. 78). This is due to the fact that context, bias and representation of by the media occurs. A typical example would be the framing of Muslims as conservative, if not archaic, fundamentalists with an affinity for chemicals and also Westerners as immoral and sexually deviant.
The 9/11 event was a tragedy, however many other tragedies have occurred with less shock and less media coverage. Although in the article Hoover proposes it was more because of the unprecedented nature of the where the act took place, I think it was mainly due to the 'global media landscape [believing] not all human lives are of equal worth' (Hoover 2012, p. 77). The reason for a higher volume of coverage for this event is not because it was unprecedented or unusual, as most events such as Tsunami's or genocide's are to a certain degree unexpected. For instance, the world was in partial disbelief on the release of information about Pol Pot, the Khmer Rogue and the genocide which followed. Most large scale events like these are unexpected or generally action would be taken, or media reporting occurring.
It could be argued that because Western countries do contribute financially, numerically and geographically the most to media, via the myriad of frameworks, that so much reporting occurred as so much of modern media is caucasian or Western. The event could have shocked due to the very event being a target to Westerners, as targeted Western suffering may not be as prevalent on the media.
Reference
Hoover S. 2012. Religion, Media and 9/11. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. 75-88. London and New York: Routledge.
In Mecca Cola and Burqinis: Muslim Consumption and Religious Identities, Nabil Echchaibi discusses the growing and gigantic Islamic marketplace. Islam, as with most religious traditions today, have had to find new ways to reinvent, 'sell' or market their values and ideologies as the world has changed. For instance, last week we discussed religious communication and prayer through social media platforms and now we discuss consumption and religious products.
An at first seeming-paradox of some of these anti-Western sentiment products is that although they denounce and serve as a means for campaigning against said Western or American values, they use the very Western framework (capitalist consumer market, mimicked products) to achieve the success' of their products. Upon closer inspection these business practices may not be paradoxes at all as 'their creative inversion- not rejection- of the flow of global cultural products' and their aversion and denunciation of the secular or Western market really aides and reinforces their religious identities, which in themselves is anti-Western (Echchaibi 2012, p. 32). In fact it could be a genius and witty business and social move; to renounce disliked values or social systems by using the very same social system to renounce it. Such clever witticism. It's more than that, it's the king of all rebuttals in a wordless, consumeristic debate!
In the article Echchaobi discusses the Fulla barbie-esque doll, created for young Muslim girls. The Fulla does mimic the original Barbie but the big difference is obviously that it invests it with new values (Echchaibi 2012). I do partially disagree with the article when it seems to infer that the burqa and other aspects of the Fulla is an exemplification of patriarchy. By all means, of course this can be the case in some instances, but it is not the rule. In her book Barefoot in Baghdad, Manal Omar discusses as an American born Muslim working for an NGO in Iraq, she was belittled, laughed at and even insulted for wearing the burqa and traditional Muslim female attire. When her local compatriots found out she was American, the laughter reached a crescendo. In the area Manal was working, the women fancied themselves as fashionably progressive Muslims. They definitely were not wearing skimpy Western clothes and the women's fashion identity was still strongly Middle Eastern, but within Manal's working circle, the burqa was seen as terribly archaic.
I also had a close Muslim friend of mine whose husband is indifferent to the niqab, however she chooses to wear it as her interpretation is romantic. She told me the idea of a part of you being saved and only being seen by your love was the most beautiful idea she could have imagined. I cannot do her words justice, when she described it to me though, I thought wow! How beautifully poetic. In addition she did note that she also enjoyed not having the pressure of looks, figure and body. She said what better way to have control over your own sexual and romantic self, where your partner can only judge you on your true inner self and not be swayed by outwardly appearances, ultimate female control. She does have a point there. Besides the Muslims fashion industry for the burqa and niqab is amazing and growing very fast! My friend could be described as what I call an archaic modernist. The whole idea of people seeing an ancient or older tradition as being romantic, whimsical or tres chic. For instance, when young people decide to become a 'fashionable Buddhist' or New AGe. As in the romanticism of historical ritual, philosophy and orthopraxy is so appealing due to it's age. Even vintage clothing etc.
References
Echchaibi N. 2012 Mecca Cola and Burquinis: Muslim Consumption and Religious Identities. In Lynch G. and J. Mitchell with A. Strhan. Eds., Religion, Media and Culture: A Reader. pp. 31-39. London and New York: Routledge.
Omar N. 2012 Barefoot in Baghdad: A story of Identity, My Own and What it Means to be a Woman in Chaos. Sourcebooks: Chicago
